The Empirical Gaydar: A Path to Equity or Ethically Egregious?

The term gaydar generally refers to a capacity to identify the sexual orientation of others (Miller, 2018). This identification may be based on dynamic (e.g., stylistic and grooming choices) or fixed (e.g., face shape) cues (Rule, 2017). Within the queer community, the utility of gaydar is clear—to identify individuals with whom platonic, romantic, and/or sexual relations may develop consensually and safely. However, there has been a persistent interest in an empirical kind of gaydar—scientific identification and classification of individuals' sexual orientation based on objective cues. From decades-ago comparisons of specific brain structures in gay and straight men (Levay, 1991), to more recent use of artificial intelligence to differentiate between the faces of gay and straight adults (Wang & Kosinski, 2018), interest in the empirical gaydar does not seem to have stalled. The growing body of gaydar research raises considerations about its implications, notably regarding stereotype reinforcement. My blog focuses on the framing of gaydar research as a way to ‘legitimize’ minority sexual orientations (e.g., gay, lesbian) as a variation of a natural and (partly) biological phenomenon. Specifically, the benefits of this view are discussed. In response, the costs of these views, notably their restrictive focus on binary sex/gender and exclusively homosexual and white identities, are weighed accordingly. Please note that I use the terms ‘homosexual,’ ‘same-gender/sex-oriented,’ ‘gay,’ and ‘lesbian’ interchangeably.

Many biological explanations of sexual orientation converge on prenatal hormone theory (PHT), which explains the development of sexual orientation as a result of the hormones that determine external genitals during fetal development (e.g., Wang & Kosinski, 2018). Simply put, PHT suggests that male fetuses who are exposed to low levels of these hormones, and female fetuses who are exposed to high levels, are more likely to have a same-gender/sex sexual orientation as adults (Vasilovsky, 2018). Accordingly, many gaydar studies have focused on variations of traits in homosexual individuals that diverge from what is normally expected for their gender. These gender-atypical traits have been assessed primarily in gay men through various ‘feminization hypotheses’ that explore gendered traits such as voice and speech patterns (Daniele et al., 2020; Suire et al., 2020), behaviours (Rieger et al., 2008), and facial structure (Wang & Kosinski, 2018).

On the one hand, providing evidence for consistent, biologically driven, early processes that underlie sexual orientation may help reduce misconceptions surrounding same-gender/sex orientations being a choice. Importantly, the potential benefits of biological beliefs about the development of same-gender/sex sexual orientations should not be understated. Indeed, believing that sexual orientation is caused by biological processes predicts more positive feelings toward individuals with same-gender/sex orientations and more support for policies aimed at supporting their legal rights, social equality, and moral acceptance (Haider-Markel & Joslyn, 2008). Further, these beliefs may contribute to a view of sexual orientation as a variable human trait, like how we view extraversion. Importantly, research into sexual interests and behaviours that adopts a lens of variation within, instead of deviations from, expected expressions of sexuality has helped destigmatize sexual minority identities and behaviours (Bullogh, 2010). Consistent with the belief of same-gender/sex orientations as biologically driven variations within normal sexuality, a common logic has been formed. Specifically, it is believed that since homosexuality is a tangible and inborn variation, homosexual individuals deserve civil and legal protection against discrimination (Vasilovsky, 2018). Following this logic, the ability of gaydar research to support this view of same-gender/sex sexual orientation may benefit individuals with these identities.

On the other hand, these purported advantages of gaydar research are not without critique. First, biological explanations are often presented to ‘legitimize’ same-gender/sex sexual orientation, however, they mostly focus on cisgender and white individuals who are classified as either exclusively homosexual or heterosexual (e.g., Rieger et al., 2008; Wang & Kosinski, 2018). As a result, any semblance of representation or legitimization excludes the large number of sexual minority individuals who are BIPOC, gender-diverse, and/or hold sexual identities that are not exclusively homosexual. Importantly, individuals not represented by this research may be in the most need of representation. For example, bisexual identities are often viewed as more negative and less stable compared to heterosexual or homosexual identities (Burke & LaFrance, 2016). The focus of gaydar research on this highly specific subset of identities ignores the intersectionality of minority identities that are present within sexually and gender-diverse populations and are no less deserving of representation than individuals who hold cisgender, white, homosexual identities.

Further, the focus on objective, deterministic features that can be used to unambiguously classify sexual orientation supports the search for ‘the cause’ of sexual minority identities—one that often funnels into PHT. This theory’s emphasis on sex binaries ultimately reinforces existing stereotypes surrounding femininity and masculinity in same-gender/sex-oriented individuals. This is reflected in the overwhelming amount of gaydar research that relies on gender atypicality to explain and quantify research findings, which often frames gay men as feminized and lesbian women as masculinized (e.g., Daniele et al., 2020; Lick & Johnson, 2014; Wang & Kosinski). This framing is not without consequence; adults who report being more gender nonconforming than their peers as children also tend to report feeling more rejected by their parents and peers (Rieger et al., 2008). The gender typicality framework of sexual orientation reinforces ideas of gender-atypicality in gay and lesbian individuals, which may contribute to negative views of homosexuality (Blashill & Powlishta, 2012). As a result of this framework, gender-related stereotypes of sexual minority identities are reinforced, and the largely unobservable social and psychological complexities that contribute to sexual orientation are ignored. What follows is an idea of sexual orientation that reduces a complex, experiential identity solely to the characteristics that can fit neatly into stereotyped categories.

The empirical gaydar reflects an area of research that is characterized by a degree of ethical ambiguity. In many ways, gaydar research has the potential to lead to lasting, positive outcomes for marginalized individuals. However, the current restrictive focus on individuals who are white, cisgender, and exclusively homosexual leaves individuals who do not fit this archetype with little of the validation or legitimization that gaydar research purportedly provides. Moreover, on one hand, the identification of natural, uncontrollable, and biologically driven variations that can be used to distinguish same-gender/sex-oriented individuals from heterosexual individuals may have positive outcomes for sexually diverse populations. Indeed, beliefs that align with these naturalistic views tend to go hand-in-hand with positive views toward gay and lesbian identities as well as greater support for their social and legal protections. However, the gender-stereotyped views of gay and lesbian men and women that are closely linked with prominent biological explanations also seem to be related to the rejection of these individuals by their families and peers. This offers up a sort of double-edged sword where biological beliefs may be linked to positive outcomes, but the stereotypes that accompany those beliefs may be a source of rejection and distress. In tandem, the feminine/masculine dichotomy that is central to much of the available gaydar research reinforces stereotyped views of lesbian women as masculine and gay men as feminine; views that can lead to prejudice. Intentional or not, the result is a view of same-gender/sex orientations that reduces individuals to their outwardly observable expressions and ignores the subjective experience of sexual identity.

 

Evan Waterman (he/him), 4th year BAH Psychology, Queen’s University

References

Blashill, A.J. & Powlishta, K.K. (2012). Effects of gender-related domain violations and sexual orientation on perceptions of male and female targets: An analogue study. Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 41, 1293-1302. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-012-9971-1

Bullogh, V.L. (2010). Alfred Kinsey and the Kinsey report: Historical overview and lasting contributions. The Journal of Sex Research, 35(2), 127-131. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499809551925

Burke, S.E. & LaFrance, M. (2016). Lay conceptions of sexual minority groups. Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 45, 635-650. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-015-0655-5

Daniele, M., Fasoli, F., Antonio, R., Sulpizio, S. & Maass, A. (2020). Gay voice: Stable marker of sexual orientation or flexible communication device? Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 49(7), 2585-2600. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-020-01771-2

Haider-Markel, D.P. & Joslyn, M.R. (2008). Belief about the origins of homosexuality and support for gay rights: An empirical test of attribution theory. Public Opinion Quarterly, 72(2), 291-310. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfn015

Levay, S. (1991). A difference in hypothalamic structure between heterosexual and homosexual men. Science, 253(5023), 1034-1037. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1887219

Lick, D.J. & Johnson, K.L. (2014). Perceptual underpinnings of antigay prejudice: Negative evaluations of sexual minority women arise on the basis of gendered facial features. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 40(9). https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167214538288

Miller, A.E. (2018). Searching for gaydar: Blind spots in the study of sexual orientation perception. Psychology & Sexuality, 9(3), 188-203. https://doi.org/10.1080/19419899.2018.1468353

Rieger, G., Linsenmeier, J.A., Gygax, L. & Bailey, J.M. (2008). Sexual orientation and childhood gender nonconformity: Evidence from home videos. Developmental Psychology, 44(1), 46-58. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.44.1.46

Rule, N.O. (2017). Perceptions of sexual orientation from minimal cues. Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 46, 129-139. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-016-0779-2

Suire, A., Tognetti, A., Durand, V., Raymond, M. & Barkat-Defradas, M. (2020). Speech acoustic features: A comparison of gay men, heterosexual men, and heterosexual women. Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 49(7), 2575-2583. https://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs10508-020-01665-3

Vasilovsky, A.T. (2018). Aesthetic as genetic: The epistemological violence of gaydar research. Theory & Psychology, 28(3). https://doi.org/10.1177/0959354318764826

Wang, Y. & Kosinski, M. (2018). Deep neural networks are more accurate than humans at detecting sexual orientation from facial images. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 114(2), 246-257. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000098

Wait, What?! There can be Pain in the Clitoris?

When thinking about the clitoris, most people think about sex, specifically, sexual pleasure. It is, after all, the most sexually sensitive part of genital anatomy in people with vulvas; the clitoris contains more than 10,000 nerve fibers that convey sensation to the brain when stimulated (Uloko et al., 2023). Indeed, the clitoris plays a critical role in sexual arousal and orgasm in individuals with vulvas (Pauls, 2015). The clitoris, though, is chronically understudied – its anatomy was only recently thoroughly investigated (Pauls, 2015). The newly discovered anatomy of the clitoris lends a new meaning to the phrase “the tip of the iceberg”. The part of the clitoris that most people think of as the clitoris – the external part on the vulva – is counterbalanced by a complex and extensive internal structure made up of erectile and other tissues (Pauls, 2015). In addition, many studies are beginning to investigate what happens in the clitoris during sexual arousal via sophisticated imaging techniques (e.g., Fernández Pérez et al., 2020), including members of the SexLab in collaboration with Dr. Chivers of the Sage Lab and Dr. Stroman of the Stroman Lab. This new line of research is exciting and full of potential for rich information to be learned about the role of the clitoris in sexual pleasure and response.

One additional thing that you need to know about the clitoris is that it doesn’t only convey information about pleasurable sensations. It can also be responsible for pain: Some people experience clitoral pain as their primary sensation in this region, as opposed to pleasure. Yes, we said pain. Sure, you might be thinking, sometimes in the heat of the moment, there might be too much pressure on the clit that can be painful and unpleasant. Or maybe you hurt your clit during a straddle injury, or your clit was not happy when you were wearing too tight and ill-fitting pants for that night out. And yes, acute pain can happen in the clit, just like it can happen elsewhere on the body. But we are talking about chronic pain in the clitoris – pain that lasts more than 3 months and can occur only upon contact to the clitoris or can present all or almost all of the time (or both!).

This type of chronic clitoral pain is called clitorodynia. “Dynia” comes from the Greek work “odyne”, which means pain, and “clitoro” refers to the location of the pain, the clitoris. If you’re thinking that pain shouldn’t be a thing “down there”, know that people can have all sorts of pain in their genital area, and SexLab members study many of these types of pain. There are types of pain called vulvodynia (pain in the vulva) and scrotodynia (pain in the scrotum), for example, and of course, clitorodynia.

Much like pleasure in the clitoris, chronic pain in the clitoral area is also incredibly understudied – there are less than five published articles on clitorodynia! What we know so far about clitorodynia mostly comes from one published descriptive study from a research team at McGill University (Parada et al., 2015). They found that clitorodynia can be very distressing to the people who experience it. People with clitorodynia report reductions in how often they engage in intercourse, masturbation, and foreplay, and about 25% of people describe the impact of clitoral pain on their sex life to be “disabling”. With the clitoris playing such an important role in sexual arousal and orgasm, it makes sense that chronic clitoral pain would impact sexual functioning, but it can also impact everyday functioning. People with clitorodynia reported interference with daily activities, like sitting, exercising, and walking (Parada et al., 2015).

Despite the substantial impacts clitorodynia can have in sexual and daily functioning, there is still far too little information available. At SexLab, we are currently conducting a study looking at a variety of experiences in individuals with all types genitopelvic pain, including clitorodynia. If you have clitorodynia (or any other type of pelvic pain), you can participate in the study here! For more information about this study, visit www.sexlab.ca/participate and look for the AGPP study, or contact SexLab at sex.lab@queensu.ca.

Caroline Pukall, PhD CPsych, Director of SexLab

Julianna Park, BSc, MSc student in SexLab

References

Fernández Pérez, M., Fernández Agís, I., La Calle Marcos, P., Campos Caballero, R., Molero

Rodríguez, F., González Fernández, M., & Rodríguez Torreblanca, C. (2020). Validation of a Sagittal Section Technique for Measuring Clitoral Blood Flow. Volume Flow: A New Parameter in Clitoral Artery Doppler. The journal of sexual medicine, 17(6), 1109–1117. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsxm.2020.01.031

Gordon, A. S. (2002). Clitoral Pain: The Great Unexplored Pain In Women. Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy28(sup1), 123–128. https://doi.org/10.1080/00926230252851249

Parada, M., D’Amours, T., Amsel, R., Pink, L., Gordon, A., & Binik, Y. M. (2015).

Clitorodynia: A Descriptive Study of Clitoral Pain. Journal of Sexual Medicine12(8), 1772–1780. https://doi.org/10.1111/jsm.12934

Pauls, R. N. (2015). Anatomy of the clitoris and the female sexual response. Clinical Anatomy (New York, N.Y.)28(3), 376–384. https://doi.org/10.1002/ca.22524

Uloko, M., Isabey, E. P., & Peters, B. R. (2023). How many nerve fibers innervate the human glans clitoris: a histomorphometric evaluation of the dorsal nerve of the clitoris. The journal of sexual medicine20(3), 247–252. https://doi.org/10.1093/jsxmed/qdac027